What goes around comes around

A frail old man went to live with his son, daughter-in-law, and 4 yr old grandson. The old man's hands trembled, his eyesight was blurred, and his step faltered.


The family ate together every night at the table. But the elderly grandfather's shaky hands and failing sight made eating difficult. Peas rolled off his spoon onto the floor. When he grasped the glass, milk spilled on the tablecloth.

The son and daughter-in-law became irritated with the mess. 'We must do something about father,' said the son. 'I've had enough of his spilled milk, noisy eating, and food on the floor.'

So the husband and wife set a small table in the corner. There, Grandfather ate alone while the rest of the family enjoyed dinner. Since Grandfather had broken a dish or two, his food was served in a wooden bowl!

When the family glanced in Grandfather's direction, sometime he had a tear in his eye as he sat alone. Still, the only words the couple had for him were sharp admonitions when he dropped a fork or spilled food.

The four-year-old watched it all in silence. One evening before supper, the father noticed his son playing with wood scraps on the floor. He asked the child sweetly, 'What are you making?'

Just as sweetly, the boy responded, 'Oh, I am making a little bowl for you and Mama to eat your food in when I grow up.' The four-year-old smiled and went back to work.

The words so struck the parents so that they were speechless. Then tears started to stream down their cheeks. Though no word was spoken, both knew what must be done.

That evening the husband took Grandfather's hand and gently led him back to the family table. For the remainder of his days he ate every meal with the family. And for some reason, neither husband nor wife seemed to care any longer when a fork was dropped, milk spilled, or the tablecloth soiled.

On a positive note, I've learned that, no matter what happens, how bad it seems today, life does go on, and it will be better tomorrow.


I've learned that, regardless of your relationship with your parents, you'll miss them when they're gone from your life.

I've learned that making a 'living' is not the same thing as making a 'life..'

I've learned that even when I have pains, I don't have to be one.

I've learned that every day, you should reach out and touch someone.

People love that human touch -- holding hands, a warm hug, or just a friendly pat on the back.

I've learned that you should pass this on to everyone you care about. I just did.

NOTICE AT THE END, THE DATE THE CANDLE WAS STARTED.

I am not going to be the one who lets it die.

The Candle Of Love, Hope & Friendship

Nicky Bita
Development Student Fourth
Daystar University

Emotions and Relationships

When Homans first read the Stark-Bainbridge theory, he reminded me of the famous statement by the first-century satirical writer, Petronius: "Fear first brought gods into the world." William James (1902:89) contended: "The ancient saying that the first maker of the Gods was fear receives voluminous corroboration from every age of religious history; but none the less does religious history show the part which joy has evermore tended to play. Sometimes the joy has been primary; sometimes secondary, being the gladness of deliverance from the fear." Either way, religion seems rooted in emotion, and the primary dimension is our feeling about costs and rewards.

Sacred discourse frequently concerns feelings, from guilt to bliss, terror to awe, and longing to ecstasy. The Bible is eloquent in its depiction of human emotion, across the entire spectrum: Job 4:14: "Fear came upon me, and trembling, which made all my bones to shake." Job 38:7: "When the morning stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy." John 16:21: "A woman when she is in travail hath sorrow, because her hour is come: but as soon as she is delivered of the child, she remembereth no more the anguish, for joy that a man is born into the world." 2 Corinthians 4:8: "We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed; we are perplexed, but not in despair." Luke 13:28: "There shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth, when ye shall see Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and all the prophets, in the kingdom of God, and you yourselves thrust out." And who could forget the comforting words of John 3:16, which testify that even the Lord has emotions: "For God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life."

If religion elicits and shapes the meaning of emotions, surely the fundamental human feelings are shared by the higher animals, who are apparently incapable of religion. A purring cat must be experiencing bliss, and it can inspire fear in pigeons and mice. The tender care lavished upon their babies by birds and mammals is behaviorally indistinguishable from human love. Thus, emotion is deeply rooted in our animal biology, even if our recently-evolved cognitive abilities are required for religious belief. In addition, as Homans said, "...the laws of human learning have themselves evolved and maintained themselves genetically as one mechanism for helping humans to survive in their environment" (Homans, 1987:139-141; cf. Wilson, 1975:551).

Robert H. Frank (1988) has alerted rational choice researchers to the idea that emotions, whether in humans or higher animals, may partly have evolved to signal intentions to other individuals, and to force them to behave in desired ways. Thus with the human capacity for role playing, emotional expressions become moves in a game. This insight is as old as history, and Porter Abbott has analyzed the strategic use of emotion in The Portuguese Letters, a work of fiction published in 1669. From her bare room in a convent, a nun writes five letters to her former lover. Abbott (1984:74) argues that she expresses her feelings in accordance with a syllogism that she thinks will logically force him to love her again: "(1) All great love is greatly to be loved, (2) I love greatly, (3) therefore I am greatly to be loved." Jay Haley (1963, 1969) analyzed psychotherapy as a strategic interaction in which the therapist maneuvers the patient to take his or her emotional assumptions to their illogical extreme, and he said the crucifixion was the masterful sacrifice move made by Jesus Christ in a game where the human soul was the prize.

The strategic use of emotion featured in my own analysis of how Scientologists appear to believe they can attain a higher state of being called clear, and I have briefly considered the comparable states of sanctification in the Holiness tradition and satori in Zen Buddhism (Bainbridge and Stark, 1980; Bainbridge 1997). Like many birds and mammals, humans cry for parental attention, shriek in fear, and shout for help. Clearly, communication intended to cause another person to help us is deeply rooted in our biological inheritance, as well as in the psychology of childhood.

Humans sometimes become trapped in a pattern of emotionally intense help-seeking behavior when no help is in fact available, and this condition may be called neurosis, dependency, or depression. Perhaps this is most common for people with insoluble practical problems of ill health, poverty, lovelessness, or powerlessness. But the human capacity to imagine a better life, and the social demands that so often inspire shame and guilt, could force anyone into this vicious circle. The person invests so much energy in self-defeating obsessions to get help, that his or her life becomes significantly worse than it would otherwise be, and sometimes the person is even prevented from finding a real solution to the problems. Clear, sanctification, and satori are spiritualized conceptions of the psychological state of being free of such help-demanding and self-blaming obsessions.

Homans's classic, The Human Group, makes much of sentiment, a term that was meant to cover such murky concepts as: "sentiments of affection, affective content of sympathy and indulgence, intimate sympathy, respect, pride, antagonism, affective history, scorn, sentimental nostalgia" (Homans, 1950:37). Homans restricted sentiments to the feelings of one human being toward another. Much later work by Homans and others in his tradition conceptualizes social relationships as concrete bonds that are studied as structural elements in networks, or as stable patterns of interaction that readily can be observed. Yet we should recognize that social relationships are fundamentally based in emotions and images that exist only within human minds. Thus, many of the same challenges and opportunities associated with the sociology of emotions apply also to research on social relationships.

In this essay, emboldened by the essays Homans (e.g. 1981) published about his ancestors, I shall use data on my own ancestral family to develop a model of how religious emotions are embedded in social exchange. Fundamentally, reciprocity is the principle of obligation that links members of a family into an enduring relationship. Rooted in biological bonds, reciprocity at times resembles exchange, and of course nothing prevents members of a family from also being exchange partners. Alternatively, one could say that market exchange is merely a highly rationalized form of reciprocity that has outgrown the boundaries of the biological family.

Homans wrote about the exchange between two abstract individuals, Person and Other. Let us give them more human names, Lucy and George. Whether from biology, habits acquired in family-based reciprocity, or a history of mutually profitable exchanges, let us say that Lucy has developed a powerful relationship with George. Then she realizes that he is dying.

The Stark-Bainbridge theory immediately suggests that Lucy will be open to supernaturally-based compensators to comfort her in her loss. But what does it say about her obligations to George? What does she have to offer him in his greatest time of need? In fact, Lucy was George's sister, and he lay dying slowly and painfully of typhoid fever in the early 1860s, when medicine had not yet discovered a cure. There is considerable doubt how much religion can really compensate an individual for his or her own most severe losses. Because Lucy and George shared the same religious assumptions, however, she could feel that the prayers she gave him really did fulfill some of her obligation to help him.

At a first approximation, we can distinguish two kinds of religious compensation, primary and secondary.

* Primary compensation substitutes a compensator for a reward that people desire for themselves.
*

Secondary compensation substitutes a compensator for a reward that a person is obligated to provide to another person.

Secondary compensation may be a major factor in the creation and maintenance of religious organizations, even though the literature on the subject has concentrated on primary compensation. If religious compensators actually do not satisfy sufferers' needs very well, they might still satisfy their exchange partners' obligations to provide assistance. I am not here asserting that religious primary compensation is ineffective, merely raising the theoretical point that it might be and suggesting we should examine scientifically how much of the success of religious organizations is due to secondary compensation.

If religious compensators can satisfy existing obligations, they may also make a person attractive as a prospective exchange partner. In other words, secondary compensation is an issue prior to the formation of exchange relationships, as well as afterward. Two of the propositions in the Stark-Bainbridge theory are relevant here: "Religious specialists promulgate norms, said to come from the gods, that increase the rewards flowing to the religious specialists" (Stark and Bainbridge, 1987:99). "Religious specialists share in the psychic rewards offered to the gods, for example: deference, honor, and adoration" (Stark and Bainbridge, 1987:101).

To appear to be a valuable exchange partner is beneficial to any individual. A person is attractive to the extent that other people will give rewards to that person without requiring the person immediately to reciprocate by giving them a reward of equal or greater value. People invest in someone they find attractive, in hopes that they will receive great rewards in the future, perhaps in the distant future or in some undefined context. Another way of look at this is to say that an attractive person receives rewards from others but can satisfy them in the immediate exchanges by providing compensators. Thus, a religious specialist may invest in activities to increase the apparent value of the compensators he or she has to offer.

In some societies, the individual may undergo costly spiritual ordeals, perhaps to forge a publicly acknowledged exchange relationship with a supernatural being. In a society with a highly professionalized clergy, the individual may invest in extensive formal training and attempt to create masterworks of the spirit (such as ritual performances, religious art, or sacred scholarship) that demonstrate that he or she has the requisite spiritual skill, sacred knowledge, or divine talent.

There are many different strategies for becoming an attractive exchange partner, and no cosmopolitan culture restricts itself to just one or two, even in the limited realm of religion. However, strategies are simply general explanations about how to attain certain goals, so they tend to be learned from other people as are most other valuable algorithms. Members of a family or other intimate social group will tend to share a particular strategy. To the extent that being a religious specialist is an inherited profession, therefore, supernatural strategies will tend to run in families. Members of such families who enter professions that are functionally similar to the clergy, will tend to carry over the family's religious strategy, with only such modifications as are required to make the strategy appear to fit the secular occupation.

General explanations about how to obtain highly desired rewards are difficult to evaluate. In a competitive cultural specialty, individuals and groups will often become committed to the wrong strategy, or at least to one that is suboptimal and can be defeated by other, more effective strategies. If an individual has invested heavily in one strategy, he is unlikely to be able to switch to a different one quickly and easily. Therefore, a person who has wholeheartedly adopted one particular strategy for becoming an attractive exchange partner will be relatively committed to it. Especially if the strategy is supernatural (which means that explanations are especially difficult to evaluate), he or she may respond to failure by exerting even more effort, rather than by backtracking and looking for a different strategy. Sometimes this can lead to success, if the person can innovate in strategy-specific ways that are attractive to other people, and if the person's amplified emotions are of a kind to arouse positive feelings in others. Arguably, this is the source of much religious charisma. In many cases, however, exaggeration of a poor strategy will lead to catastrophic failure, and what the individual considers to be religious inspiration will appear to other people as madness.

Becoming an attractive exchange partner through increasing the potency of the compensators one offers is a strategy that aggressively employs secondary compensation. If other people accept the compensators, it can be successful. But if other people ignore or reject the compensators, the individual may become trapped in isolated primary compensation. The dreams that one wished to sell to others may become a costly liability that prevent the individual from investing elsewhere, until the person's social capital has been exhausted. The cases described below illustrate how primary and secondary compensation may lead to extremely successful or unsuccessful social outcomes.

Edited by Nicky Bita
Student at Daystar University
Fourth year Community Development

Can Bible-followers Drink Alcohol?

…[T]he Bible position is clear: not one drop of alcohol is condoned or recommended. Proverbs 20:1 tells us "wine is a mocker; strong drink is raging and whosoever is deceived thereby is not wise." Another text is even more explicit. Proverbs 23:31, "Look not thou upon the wine when it is red, when it giveth his color in the cup, when it moveth itself aright. At the last it biteth like a serpent and stingeth like an adder."

Now listen, if the New Testament approves the use of alcohol, we have a mammoth contradiction between the Old and New Testaments. But the New doesn't teach contrary to what we just read, friends. The problem comes over the use of the word "wine." It is translated from the Greek word "oihos" and it can mean either fermented or unfermented, according to the context. But since the Old Testament clearly condemns the use of fermented wine, the verses approving of wine in the New Testament are surely referring to unfermented juice of the grape.

The Bible says, “Whether therefore ye eat, or drink, . . . do all to the glory of God” (1 Corinthians 10:31). Among all the popular poisons which are imbibed by modern man, one that is particularly pernicious and destructive is alcohol. Glorified as a symbol of gracious living, it has, in fact, been the most malignant social disease known to civilization. No wonder the Bible declares that no drunkard will be in heaven.


In these days of compromise, most of the great religious bodies have changed their attitude toward social drinking. From total abstinence they now take a stance of moderation. In essence this is exactly the same position the brewers take—no drunkenness. But is that a safe posture to take toward alcoholic beverages? Statistics reveal that one out of every ten that start drinking become either alcoholics or problem drinkers.


The claim is made by many Christians that the Bible endorses moderate drinking of alcohol. This is based largely on the use of the term “wine” in the Scriptures. But the recommended wine of the Bible is not alcoholic. The word wine is used for either fermented or unfermented drink. God declared, “As the new wine is found in the cluster, and one saith, Destroy it not; for a blessing is in it: so will I do for my servants’ sakes, that I may not destroy them” (Isaiah 65:8).


This wine in the cluster has to be the fresh juice of the vine. This is the only kind God ever declared to have a blessing in it. There is no blessing in the intoxicating, befuddling bottle of fermented poison. Inspiration declares, “Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging: and whosoever is deceived thereby is not wise” (Proverbs 20:1). “Look not thou upon the wine when it is red, when it giveth his color in the cup, when it moveth itself aright. At the last it biteth like a serpent, and stingeth like an adder” (Proverbs 23:31, 32).


Did Jesus go contrary to the Old Testament and turn the water into alcoholic wine? It is unthinkable that He should do so. He obeyed the Word of God. The wine He created was the unfermented kind. We now know the actual physiological effect of alcohol on the body. Research has proven that intoxication is caused by a process that deprives the brain of oxygen. This deprivation destroys brain cells, affecting, ultimately, the reasoning powers of conscious thought. Would Jesus, the Creator of the body, condone something that would weaken moral inhibitions, reduce the power of effective decision, and finally destroy the sacred body temple of the Holy Spirit? Never.



Nicky Bita

As much as paths meet and people come and go

As much as paths meet and people come and go, a mark is always left in one’s heart, and only you can define what impact it has had and what those people have done to make you a better person. My joining of this institution has been the greatest blessing and I thank God every day for the people who have earned the title FRIEND. If you have never had a family in friends, I say you are missing out on a lot. These are the people who pick you up when the rest of the world walks past you, they wipe the dust off you when the rest of the world laughs at you; they smile and cry with you when everybody else says “whatever!” They are friends and what I am today, the joys I treasure within and the lessons learnt would not have been so, had God never brought me this special group of people I call Friends at Daystar University. It has been a whole four years and the end of them will never mark the end of the life I share with you. You have made me smile, when I knew I would never, you have walked with me even through what I thought were the most of the difficult times in life. We have laughed and cried together, shared the ups and downs, even when distance seemed to make us way apart. Your devotion from the time the paths crossed to this time when we leave doesn’t end with the four years. It’s been long and I know this is, and will never be the end.
Written by Nicky Bita
Fourth year community Development Student
Daystar University
2nd October 2009

INITIATION CEREMONY AMONG THE MAASAI

The Maasai are pastoralist who lives in the rift valley provinces in Kenya and southern Tanzania. The Maasai community has kept their culture intact over years. The Maasai cultures rites revolves around the initiation ceremony of both boys and girls.
The initiation ceremony begins when boys and girls are at the age of 15-18 years of age. The initiation ceremony involves three main events in the life of an individual.
1.confirmation of the person name.
2.circumcision
3.graduation into adulthood
Each of the three stages involves a lot of traditional ceremony according to one’s clans.
Confirmation of the person name
Among the Maasai community the arrival of a child to the society is always a sign of blessing from god and the ancestors. After three day a child is always name by his clan woman and children. The child remains with the name until he or she is about to be circumcised. The parent has to perform the naming ceremony for the child first before he undergoes circumcision. The parent has to prepared local brew and slaughtered two sheep for boy and one for girl. The name give during birth is scrutinizing by the clan elders before it is confirmed for instances they if anybody in the family has the same name, they also check if anybody with the same name died recently in the area and also evaluated the success of those called by that name after all these has be verified by clan elders, women are also consulted to give their views on the name. When everyone was satisfied with the names the family members called a big ceremony. The child is then shaves and amulets are tied in his left arms, neck and right foot to seek for protection of the child during this time of initiation. Women and children also sing and dances giving thanks to god for protecting their member all this year without a name. After the clan elders ask the celebration parent to honor their child with two calves one from each parent or close relative if one parent is missing .the child is then ready for circumcision.

CIRCUMCISION
Circumcision is a very significances ceremony among the Maasai community. If one is not circumcised even at the age of fifty years they still considered you a child. Circumcision symbolized two important aspect of the Maasai heritage.
 The shading of blood symbolized unity with the living dead that are also honored during the ceremony through libation of tradition beer and fresh milk. This to show, the departed that they are still remembered in the community and especially in the family. The shading of blood also shows that the young man is now courage’s enough to defenses the community against internal and external enemies.
 Circumcision also shows the transition from childhood to adulthood. For one to be recognized as a grown up person he/she has to be circumcised. Circumcision is one of the many rites of passage before one is allowed to married.
The initiation ceremony involves a lot of activities in the material day .the ceremony is always attended by everybody in the community, those who are invited and those who are not are welcome to celebrated with the initiate and his parent. The ceremony always takes two days.
The first day the initiation takes cattle very early in the morning for grazing and at around midday he comes back home for the ceremony to begin. He is received by his fellow initiation who accused him of all his past, telling him how he has misbehavior all sort of exalted to erupted his anger. He has to be striped naked before he is received by the mother who has to give him cold fresh milk and also introduced him to his new bed, which was made by all the women in the village who are the mother age.
The boy is the shaved by the mother outside the house at the right hand side with all the initiate looking at him. He is then given a goatskin, which he will wear over night before he is circumcised. At the evening boys are question on the sexual status whether he has ever sleep with a circumcised woman, which is a punishable offences. The circumciser made you to jump the circumcision knife three times grills him and your parent also pleaded you to say if ever you cross that line. It is belief that if you denied what is truth you will not live to see the evening of your manhood. If one commits such offences he has to pay three heifers to his father, mother and the circumciser. It was a way of controlling sexual purity among the boys and also to encourage virginity. if one has not commit the offences he receive the blessing of both the parent and the circumciser before he go to bed waiting the material day.
Early in the following the boy is wake up at five in the morning. He is take to the nearby river to bathe the symbolize washing away the wrong done in the past and beginning a new life. He is then lead to central point of his father cattle where he is circumcised in the full eye of his age mate and the newly initiates. The girls are circumcised in the calves’ pen inside their motherhouse. The initiate is the given fresh blood mixed with milk, charms and amulets to replace the blood loss and also to protect the initiated against infections of tetanus and other diseases. The initiates are praise for courageously facing the knife. All people are served with beers and all kind of food. The father all give a cow to be slaughtered in honored of his son who has bring pride for him through a successful circumcision. The initiates are the put in a special programme for one to two years feed with special food and not doing any hard task. The girl is educated on how to handle her family especially the husband and the in-laws. This period is called “aibartisho”and is the most educating period in the life of a Maasai girl who is supposed to be marriage after this grace period of goodies and basic education about the present and future life. This period is also special in the of the initiates since she got an opportunity to interacted with his relatives and the age in the society who educated you on the basic of life. Initiation is always a gateway to marriage since nobody is allowed to get married before going through initiation. The celebration bring people together to come and shared joy with the family therefore initiation play the role of unity in the Maasai community. Many relatives, friends and neighbors are called to witness the occasion. Lastly initiation offered one the opportunity to be educated on tribes and clans matter that are crucial in the life of every person in the society and also is new birth for the individual who is now allowed to enjoyed privileges that adult are entitled to in the community.
INITIATION TO MORANISM
This is the last stage of initiation for one to be accepted as an adult in the Maasai community. After the circumcision period young boys are initiated into moranhood while girls are married off. This is a very important period for the Maasai warriors who act as soldier of the community and are to educate on hardship and other outstanding issues in the community. The moranism period always take five year to be able to get all the requirements one needs in life. During this period boys are taught
 Ways of handle hardship in the society.
 Strategies for fight lion and other wild animals.
 Methods of stealing cattle from non-maasai.
 Ways of preserving food for the community during drought season.
The morans maintained the hair until the are fully grow and this symbolized that one is ready for defences of his community and also identified himself as a moran.
The morans have to stay away from home for like two years in the bush where their will be taking meat and tradition harbs for all this period to prepared them for the tasks a head of protectiong the community and also be abllle to defends themselves against lion and warriors from other tribes during cattle rustling.This is the period in the maasai community where one is allowed to enjoy life with the restrication of the parent and where leader are identified .it give one an opportunity to prioved his manhood and also showed the society that he is ready to rescued them in time of difficulties especially his clanmen and the ageset he belong to.
After the mweat eating period all morans came and are receive at each manyatta by girls and woman who tookm them around the homestead singing in prised of those who we able to stayed in the bush through out the period without coming homes for silly business. The period with a big ceremony where the morans are given permission to prepare a graduation ceremony to attended by the all community that will be of great significances to the future life and also the family.
During this ceremony a lot is done to the young men, advices are give and also permission to owned property including the wife for those who are married. According to Tipilit Ole Saitoti, when young men graduate from being warriors, the elders say to them, “now that you are elders drop your weapons and use your heads and wisdom instead; Master the art of the tongue and wisdom of the mind as from now on family responsibilities rest on your shoulders.” This ceremony is called Eunoto and it is a very importants rite of passage in the maasai calendar.during the ceremony the ageset leader is appointed by the elders among the young morans who are graduating who will be responsible of the entire ageset and also communicated elders the morans need to the elders.
The occasion saw all the morans shaved the hair by the owned mother using the traditional blades. It is also in this ceremony that the morans are officially granted permission to married and have family. During this ceremony the morans are advices to stop cattle rustling and work hard to feed their families.
All the parents and invited guest have speak to the morrans they are give tradition stool as sign of acceptances in the elders council and honour for serving the community diligently without any complaints or any misconduct. During this ceremony those morans who misbehavior are names as kind of punishment to them.
All the names morans come to an end and new era begin and are all to interact with men in the society attends meeting when discussing issues concerning the society.
Most maasai traditions are continuing up to date.many people still hold on their regalia and also are practicing initiation to both boys and girls althought the government, ngo, the church are trying a lot is still needs to be done to discouraged them. Maasai still value circumcision but some aspect have change where now boys are circumcised in hospital and beer is not as much as it used to be in past day.the ceremony has continues to bear new shape in trying to prevents the initiates from bacteria infection which was never taken into consideration before the Christian brothers has also give the rite a new look by circumcising the children together and having one fellowship in one of the parents home to avoided the long traditional ceremony.
RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION
The Para churches Ngo and the government should encourages alternatives rite of passage for people not to left in a vacuum but to have something to symbolized the passage of childhood to adulthood for instances the world vision has an annual event in Narok to give girls certificate as sign of circumcision in front of their parents and relatives. The girls also feel that she is now a grow-up.
The maasai community needs to educated concerning the danger one is exposed when going through this rite of passage for instances the infections of bacteria and the killer disease HIV/AIDS when sharing tool of operation which is common during this time in the life of an individual.
The community elites, politician and the church should used visuals images in campaigning against this rite for people to be exposed to the danger this caused to the person through tortured and denied of one right for girls and the damages it make to her future life as an individual.the visual aids will give one the real picture of what one going through during this period in life and it is also a good lesion for those who have not yet gone through to avoid it.
Rescue centers should be encourage for those who are force to go through to run and be rescued from the ordain and also get shelter before they are reconcile with their parents.
Boy to be circumcised in hospital to avoid attacks from disease and other complication in the life of the boy. They should used sterilized equipments to carry out the operation and also it help to prevent pain for the boy.
Most tradition rites are importance in the life of community and needs to be modified and also continue in the society. This includes the birth ceremony of giving thanks to God for the child and naming ceremony that give one’s identification in the society.

Wrtten by Nicky Bita
Fourth year community Development Student
Daystar University
2nd October 2009

Theories of Poverty and Anti-Poverty Programs in Community Development

EDITED BY NICKY BITA FROM

Ted K. Bradshaw
RPRC Working Paper No. 06-05
February, 2006
Rural Poverty Research Center
http://www.rprconline.org/
RUPRI Rural Poverty Research Center
214 Middlebush Hall
University of Missouri
Columbia MO 65211-6200
PH 573 882-0316
RUPRI Rural Poverty Research Center
Oregon State University
213 Ballard Hall
Corvallis OR 97331-3601
PH 541 737-1442
Theories of Poverty and Anti-Poverty Programs in
Community Development
Ted K. Bradshaw
Human and Community Development Department
University of California, Davis, CA 95616
tkbradshaw@ucdavis.edu
August 2005
Abstract:
In this paper I explore how five competing theories of poverty shape anti-poverty strategies.
Since most rural community development efforts aim to relieve causes or symptoms of poverty,
it makes a difference which theory of poverty is believed to be responsible for the problem being
addressed. In this paper five theories of poverty are distilled from the literature. It will be shown
that these theories of poverty place its origin from 1) individual deficiencies, 2) cultural belief
systems that support subcultures in poverty, 3) political-economic distortions, 4) geographical
disparities, or 5) cumulative and circumstantial origins. Then, I show how each theory of
poverty finds expression in common policy discussion and community development programs
aimed to address the causes of poverty. Building a full understanding of each of these competing
theories of poverty shows how they shape different community development approaches. While
no one theory explains all instances of poverty, this paper aims to show how community
development practices that address the complex and overlapping sources of poverty more
effectively reduce poverty compared to programs that address a single theory.
* Revision of papers presented at the meetings of the Community Development Society (2001)
and the Rural Sociology Society (2003). Research Assistance from students, Vlade Stasuc and
Christine McReynolds is greatly appreciated
2
Theories of Poverty and Anti-Poverty Programs in
Community Development
Which view of poverty we ultimately embrace will have a direct
bearing on the public policies we pursue.
(Schiller 1989:4)
Introduction
Community development has a variety of strategies available to meet the needs of those
persons and groups who are less advantaged, usually in poverty. Community developers help all
communities, but their passion lies disproportionately with people who do not have adequate
personal resources to meet their needs or with communities with large populations of people who
need assistance. These people and communities receiving attention from community developers
are extensively varied in most other respects than being poor—the poor are both rural and urban,
they are ethnically minority or not, they live in places with weak and strong economies, and they
have been helped for decades or neglected for as long. In short, fixing poverty is a dominant
theme within community development, but we have infrequently examined the theories that
underlie the dominant practices addressing poverty.
The thesis of this paper is that community anti-poverty programs are designed, selected,
and implemented in response to different theories about the cause of poverty that “justify” the
community development interventions. The definition of poverty and theories that explain it are
deeply rooted in strongly held research traditions and political values, reinforced by
encompassing social, political and economic institutions that have a stake in the issue. Thus, a
purely objective explanation of poverty is displaced by a proliferation of socially defined issues
and concerns from both liberal and conservative perspectives. Moreover, no one theory of
poverty has emerged that either subsumes or invalidates the others (Blank, 1997). Explaining
poverty remains a lucrative field for academics, policy makers, book publishers, and ideologues,
and as a consequence the range of explanations has proliferated.
A sampling of community based poverty programs show how varied community level
anti-poverty efforts can be:
1. A county directed its schools to identify children not attending school more than ten days
per school-year without medical excuses, and then if the family received TANF benefits,
the child’s portion of the family welfare payments were withheld to enforce school
attendance and assure that welfare kids not get left behind for another generation.
2. Pre-school programs are advocated in order to help poor kids gain skills and internalize
the value of learning that will help them succeed in school, and after-school programs are
designed to keep children away from negative influences of unsupervised street cultures.
3. Public programs (such as equal opportunity) help remove social and economic barriers to
housing, good jobs, health care, and political processes, based on the premise that
otherwise qualified people are commonly excluded from poverty reducing opportunities
by race, class, gender, or other factors not relevant to ability to perform.
4. Communities utilize a range of local economic development tools such as redevelopment,
business attraction, or enterprise zones to stimulate development of poor and
3
disadvantaged areas hurt by regional isolation, economic backwardness, blight, and
disinvestment.
5. Nonprofits and CDCs develop comprehensive approaches to poverty based on a
multifaceted approach including employment development, education, housing, access to
healthcare and social services, as well as personal networks and participation in
community programs that increase social capital.
The first example is based on theories that poverty is perpetuated by individual or family
irresponsibility which should be stopped by stiff penalties; the second example addresses
subcultures of poverty and tries to acculturate poor children in mainstream values; the third sees
poverty not as an individual problem but a social one that needs to be addressed politically and
structurally; the fourth addresses regional or geographic concentrations of poverty through
spatially targeted benefits; and the final addresses poverty in a comprehensive and cumulative
way. Each example reflects a different theory of what causes poverty and how to address it.
I consider a theory an explanation that links several concepts; in this case theories explain
poverty (as defined below) by linking different factors thought to cause or perpetuate poverty
through distinctive social processes. Interventions that reduce a cause of poverty should reduce
poverty as a consequence. The emphasis here is on poverty in developed countries such as the
USA. The purpose of this paper is to expand our understanding of five different theories of
poverty that underlie the common toolbox of programs which community developers apply to
address the problem of poverty in their community. In contrast to the typical focus that limits
theoretical review to only two or three contrasting perspectives (Ropers, 1991; Egendorf, 1999;
Epstein, 1997), this paper suggests that there are five major theoretical explanations for poverty1.
Poverty, it is argued, is a very complex social problem with many variants and different roots, all
of which have validity depending on the situation (Blank, 2003; Shaw, 1996:28).
Poverty Definitions
Poverty in its most general sense is the lack of necessities. Basic food, shelter, medical
care, and safety are generally thought necessary based on shared values of human dignity.
However, what is a necessity to one person is not uniformly a necessity to others. Needs may be
relative to what is possible and are based on social definition and past experience (Sen, 1999).
Valentine (1968) says that “the essence of poverty is inequality. In slightly different words, the
basic meaning of poverty is relative deprivation.” A social (relative) definition of poverty allows
community flexibility in addressing pressing local concerns, while objective definitions allow
tracking progress and comparing one area to another.
The most common “objective” definition of poverty is the statistical measure established
by the federal government as the annual income needed for a family to survive. The “poverty
line” was initially created in 1963 by Mollie Orshansky at the U.S. Department of Agriculture
based on three times her estimate of what a family would have to spend for an adequate but far
from lavish diet. According to Michael Darby (1997:4), the very definition of poverty was
political, aimed to benchmark the progress of poverty programs for the War on Poverty.
Adjusted for inflation, the poverty line for a family of four was $17,050 income in 2000
according to the US Census. Most poverty scholars identify many problems with this definition
1 Several authors distinguish similar lists or theories. Blank (2003) covers six theories that are variations on my first
and third theory. Morrill and Wohlenberg (1971) also offer a selection of six theories, though they differ slightly
from the ones used here.
4
related to concepts of family, cash income, treatment of taxes, special work related expenses, or
regional differences in the cost of living (Blank 1997:10; Quigley, 2003).
Regardless of how we look at the “science” of poverty, or what O’Connor calls the
“knowledge of poverty,” it is essential to retain focus on the fact that the definition of poverty
and the policies addressing it are all shaped by political biases and values:
It is this disparity of status and interest that make poverty research an inescapably
political act: it is an exercise of power, in this case of an educated elite to categorize,
stigmatize, but above all to neutralize the poor and disadvantaged through analysis that
obscures the political nature of social and economic inequality (O’Connor 2001:12).
In this sense, political agendas are the overriding factors in poverty that not only influence the
choice of theory of poverty but the very definition of poverty to be explained by each theory.
Powerful interests manage how poverty is discussed and what is being done about it;
unfortunately this paper can only identify the politicization of theories of poverty rather than
separate it out for analysis.
Sources and approach
The approach in this paper is to review strategically selected programs and approaches
used by communities to address poverty and in the United States. The approach starts by
examining some of the most significant recent books and articles (and several classics) that
discuss poverty in America2, and then it distills from them the theoretical perspectives that are
most central to their analysis. The task here is not to do a complete review of all the literature on
poverty, as that includes thousands of items and is beyond the scope of this paper. Nor is the
task to distill all the recent abundance of information on poverty, especially the empirical
evidence of who the poor are and what their condition is.
I approach poverty programs from the community development perspective, addressing
the range of programs available to a typical community. Since this portfolio of programs
changes rapidly over time and from community to community, I have attempted to generalize
and build grounded theory that captures the range, even if it blurs some details. I have been
guided in this task by the recent books on poverty policy such as Sar Levitan’s colleagues whose
inventory of “Programs in Aid of the Poor,” (Levitan et al, 2003) catalogued many federal
programs available to local areas. I also based my analysis on those programs I have known over
years of community based work. Simply put, the task of this paper is to look in the literature for
theoretical explanations of poverty that link up with the practices that are at the core of
community development.
For each of the five theories that make up the bulk of the poverty literature, I have
identified the set of variables that are most significantly associated with causing poverty
according to that theory, the mechanisms by these variables cause poverty, the potential
strategies that can be addressed in response to poverty, and finally community based examples of
how anti-poverty programs based on that particular theory are implemented. These are
summarized in Figure 1.
Five theories of Poverty in Contemporary Literature
Recent literature on poverty uniformly acknowledges different theories of poverty, but
the literature has classified these theories in multiple ways (for example, compare Blank, 2003;
2 The perspective developed here is paralleled by discussions in Europe. See for example Alock (1993).
5
Goldsmith and Blakely, 1992; Jennings and Kushnick,1999; Rodgers, 2000; Schiller, 1989;
Shaw, 1996). Virtually all authors distinguish between theories that root the cause of poverty in
individual deficiencies (conservative) and theories that lay the cause on broader social
phenomena (liberal or progressive). Ryan (1976) addresses this dichotomy in terms of “blaming
the victim.” Goldsmith and Blakely, for example distinguish “Poverty as pathology” from
“poverty as incident or accident” and “poverty as structure.” Schiller (1989:2-3) explains it in
terms of “flawed characters, restricted opportunity, and Big Brother.” Jennings (1999) reviews a
number of variants on these individual vs. society conceptions, giving emphasis to racial and
political dynamics. Rank is very clear: “the focus on individual attributes as the cause of poverty
is misplaced and misdirected.” Structural failings of the economic, political, and social system
are causes instead. (Rank 2004:50) The various theories are divergent, and each results in a
different type of community development intervention strategy.
1. Poverty Caused by Individual Deficiencies.
This first theory of poverty is a large and multifaceted set of explanations that focus on
the individual as responsible for their poverty situation. Typically, politically conservative
theoreticians blame individuals in poverty for creating their own problems, and argue that with
harder work and better choices the poor could have avoided (and now can remedy) their
problems. Other variations of the individual theory of poverty ascribe poverty to lack of genetic
qualities such as intelligence that are not so easily reversed.
The belief that poverty stems from individual deficiencies is old. Religious doctrine that
equated wealth with the favor of God was central to the Protestant reformation (Weber 2001)
and blind, crippled, or deformed people were believed to be punished by God for either their or
their parents’ sins. With the emergence of the concept of inherited intelligence in the 19th
century, the eugenics movement went so far as to rationalize poverty and even sterilization for
those who appeared to have limited abilities. Books like Hurrnstein and Murray’s The Bell
Curve (1994) are modern uses of this explanation. Rainwater (1970:16) critically discusses
individualistic theories of poverty as a “moralizing perspective” and notes that the poor are
“afflicted with the mark of Cain. They are meant to suffer, indeed must suffer, because of their
moral failings. They live in a deserved hell on earth.” Rainwater goes on to say that it is
difficult to overestimate the extent to which this perspective (incorrectly) under-girds our visions
of poverty, including the perspective of the disinherited themselves.
Ironically, neo-classical economics reinforces individualistic sources of poverty. The
core premise of this dominant paradigm for the study of the conditions leading to poverty is that
individuals seek to maximize their own well being by making choices and investments, and that
(assuming that they have perfect information) they seek to maximize their well being. When
some people choose short term and low-payoff returns, economic theory holds the individual
largely responsible for their individual choices--for example to forego college education or other
training that will lead to better paying jobs in the future.
The economic theory that the poor lack incentives for improving their own conditions is a
recurrent theme in articles that blame the welfare system’s generosity on the perpetuation of
poverty. In a Cato Journal article, economists Gwartney and McCaleb argue that the years of the
war on poverty actually increased poverty (adjusted for noncash transfers) among working age
adults in spite of unprecedented increases in welfare expenditures. They conclude that “the
application of simple economic theory” suggests that the problem lies in the war on poverty
programs:
6
They [welfare programs] have introduced a perverse incentive structure, one that
penalizes self-improvement and protects individuals against the consequences of their
own bad choices. (1985: 7)
This and similar arguments that cast the poor as a “moral hazard” also hold that “the problem of
poverty continues to fester not because we are failing to do enough, but because we are doing too
much that is counterproductive” (Gwartney and McCaleb 1985:15). Their economic model
would solve poverty by assuring that the penalty of poverty was great enough that none would
choose it (and welfare would be restricted to the truly disabled or otherwise unable to work).
A less widely critiqued version of the individualistic theory of poverty comes from
American values of individualism—the Horatio Alger myth that any individual can succeed by
skills and hard work, and that motivation and persistence are all that are required to achieve
success (see Asen, 2002:29-34). Self-help literature reinforces the belief that individuals fail
because they do not try hard enough. Frank Bettger (1977:187-8), in the Dale Carnegie tradition,
tells how he got a list of self-improvement goals on which to focus and became one of the most
successful and highly paid salesmen in America. He goes on to say that anyone can succeed by
an easy formula--focused goals and hard work. This is the message of hundreds of self-help
books, articles, and sermons. By extension, this literature implies that those who do not succeed
must face the fact that they themselves are responsible for their failure.
While scientifically it is routine to dismiss the individual deficiency theory as an apology
for social inequality (Fischer, et al, 1996) , it is easy to see how it is embraced in anti-poverty
policy which suggests that penalties and incentives can change behavior.
Anti-Poverty Programs from an Individual Theory of Poverty Perspective.
Community development practice, embedded in decades of welfare and social policy,
frequently deals with programs aiming to remedy poverty based on individual deficiency
theories. Explicitly or implicitly, individual deficiencies have been an easy policy approach not
always carefully explored as they get implemented. The key initiatives today are to push poor
into work as a primary goal, what Maskovsky calls the “workist consensus.” Indeed this move is
accompanied by an increasing emphasis on “self help” strategies for the poor to pull themselves
from poverty, strategies encouraged by the elimination of other forms of assistance (Maskovsky,
2001:472-3). Earned income tax credits are one aspect of the strategy to assure that the poor
work even at below living-wage jobs.
However, from a community development perspective, addressing poverty by focusing
on individual characteristics and bad choices raise fundamental conflicts in philosophy and in
what is known to succeed. The compassion of community development shies away from
blaming the individual, and individual level programs are usually embedded in community
efforts by the very nature of community development. Thus, anti-poverty programs in
community development tend to oppose strategies that punish or try to change individuals as a
solution to poverty, though working with individual needs and abilities is a constant objective.
This tension runs through all anti poverty programs.
However, many contemporary anti-poverty programs are not designed with compassion
in mind but use punishment and the threat of punishment in order to change behavior and get
people off public assistance (see O’Connor, 2001, Quigley, 2003). The best example of this
response to poverty is to limit the number of years people can be on family assistance and to
require participation in work activities after two years on welfare (see Levitan et al 2003: 59-72),
a core part of the politically conservative (and ironically named) Personal Responsibility and
7
Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). The threat of a cut-off in assistance is
believed to change behavior since a person will loose assistance after five years. Another
program I have been studying (MERCAP) reduces assistance payments to families if their
children fail to attend school, hoping that children will eventually graduate from high school and
not become another generation of welfare recipients. This study found that the punishment did
little to change behavior, while attention from teachers and school administrators helped identify
more complex reasons for poor school attendance (Campbell and Wright, 2005) The punitive
approach of individual theories of poverty justify policies that restrict public assistance to
services and goods instead of cash because there is a lack of trust in the discretion of poor
people. Providing food at school for children or offering homeless people shelters rather than
cash to pay for housing are examples.
Individual level anti-poverty efforts have a social component, however. First a reliable
safety-net that can help people who are otherwise not able to help themselves is really a civic
responsibility. The disabled, elderly, children, and even the unlucky are part of every
community, and without blame, their individual needs can be met by collective action. A safety
net, without pejorative connotations, is a key to civility. Making the safety net work and
available is broadly accepted.
In sum, to the extent that policy makers or program leaders hold the individual theory of
poverty, it is increasingly unlikely that they will pursue a community development approach to
solving poverty. Thus, in spite of the widespread societal view that individuals are responsible
for their own poverty, community developers look to other theories of poverty for more positive
approaches.
2. Poverty Caused by Cultural Belief Systems that Support Sub-
Cultures of Poverty
The second theory of poverty roots its cause in the “Culture of Poverty”. This theory is
sometimes linked with the individual theory of poverty or other theories to be introduced below,
but it recently has become so widely discussed that its special features should not be minimized.
This theory suggests that poverty is created by the transmission over generations of a set of
beliefs, values, and skills that are socially generated but individually held. Individuals are not
necessarily to blame because they are victims of their dysfunctional subculture or culture.
American Sociology has long been fascinated by subcultures of immigrants and ghetto
residents as well as the wealthy and powerful. Culture is socially generated and perpetuated,
reflecting the interaction of individual and community. This makes the “culture of poverty”
theory different from the “individual” theories that link poverty explicitly to individual abilities
and motivation. Technically, the culture of poverty is a subculture of poor people in ghettos, poor
regions, or social contexts where they develop a shared set of beliefs, values and norms for
behavior that are separate from but embedded in the culture of the main society.
Oscar Lewis was one of the main writers to define the culture of poverty as a set of
beliefs and values passed from generation to generation. He writes,
Once the culture of poverty has come into existence it tends to perpetuate itself. By the
time slum children are six or seven they have usually absorbed the basic attitudes and
values of their subculture. Thereafter they are psychologically unready to take full
advantage of changing conditions or improving opportunities that may develop in their
lifetime. ( Scientific American, October 1966 quoted in Ryan, 1976: 120)
8
Cultures are socialized and learned, and one of the tenants of learning theory is that
rewards follow to those who learn what is intended. The culture of poverty theory explains how
government antipoverty programs reward people who manipulate the policy and stay on welfare.
The underlying argument of conservatives such as Charles Murray in Loosing Ground (1984) is
that government welfare perpetuated poverty by permitting a cycle of “welfare dependency”
where poor families develop and pass on to others the skills needed to work the system rather
than to gain paying employment. The net result of this theory of poverty is summed by Asen’s
(2002: 48) perceptive phrase, “From the war on poverty to the war on welfare.”
This theory of poverty based on perpetuation of cultural values has been fraught with
controversy. No one disputes that poor people have subcultures or that the subcultures of the
poor are distinctive and perhaps detrimental. The concern is over what causes and constitutes
the subculture of poverty. Daniel Patrick Moynihan found the concept particularly applicable to
his study of Black poverty in the early 1960s and linked Black poverty to the largely
“dysfunctional” Black family found in central cities. Valentine (1968:20) criticizes E. Franklin
Frazier, who with Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1965), portrayed the culture of the negro poor as an
“immoral chaos brought about by the disintegration of the black folk culture under the impact of
urbanization”.
In other sub-cultural situations the cultural portrayal of the poor is more sympathetic. For
example, many liberal scholars understand the cultural problems that Native Americans face
trying to assimilate middle class value systems. Ironically, after a number of generations we
recall the “heroic” efforts of Irish or Italian immigrant groups and their willingness to accept
hard work and to suffer for long term socio-economic gains; we forget the cultural discrimination
they faced for not fitting in during the first generations after they arrived. Today the sub-cultural
values for higher education and entrepreneurship among Asian and Indian immigrant groups are
prized as an example of how subcultures can work in the favor of groups trying to escape
poverty.
Anti-Poverty programs from a Culture of Poverty Perspective.
From a community development perspective, if the theoretical reason for poverty lies in
values and beliefs, transmitted and reinforced in subcultures of disadvantaged persons, then local
anti-poverty efforts need to intervene to help change the culture. This is socialization as policy.
This may work in three ways, based on Valentine’s (1968) suggestion of different models of
cultural theories of poverty
1) If one thinks of the culture of the poor as a dysfunctional system of beliefs and
knowledge, the approach will be to replace that culture with a more functional culture that
supports rather than undermines productive work, investment, and social responsibility.
Innovative prisoner release programs, for example, may try to relocate prisoners from the
environment where they got in trouble and assure that they adopt new values appropriate for
work. A number of experiments have tried with mixed results relocating poor from ghetto
housing projects into suburbs with the hope that the new culture will help the family emerge
from poverty (Goetz, 2003; Goering, Feins, and Richardson, 2003).
2) On the other hand, if one thinks of the culture of poverty as an opportunistic and
nonproductive subculture that is perpetuated over generations, then the focus will shift to youth
to stop the recreation of the detrimental culture. Head Start, and many educational programs are
according to Zigler and Styfco (1996) are successful at providing an alternative socialization for
the next generation to reduce poverty, though the programs need more coherence and quality.
9
Similarly, community developers are often involved in helping establish after school programs
for teens where their peer culture is monitored and positive social values are established, while
keeping youth away from gangs and detrimental behavior. These programs are a policy favorite
(Levitan et al 2003) because they are believed to change the culture of youth while their values
and norms are still malleable.
3) A third approach to the culture of poverty is to try to work within the culture to
redefine culturally appropriate strategies to improve the group’s well being. For example,
community developers can enhance and build upon cultural values with the subcultures of the
poor which can become assets for economic development. Local crafts cooperatives are
examples, as are programs that tap the traditions of small business and entrepreneurship found in
subcultures as different as urban gangs and middle class single mothers. Institutions by which
ethnic groups or clans assist each other in creating and financing businesses are well documented
in the literature. While programs promising micro-enterprise as a path from poverty are often
oversold (Goldstein, 2001), the mystique of Gramin Bank type programs as a road out of poverty
offer culturally compatible strategies that build on a groups strengths.
3. Poverty Caused by Economic, Political, and Social Distortions or
Discrimination
Whereas the first “individualistic” theory of poverty is advocated by conservative
thinkers and the second is a culturally liberal approach, the third to which we now turn is a
progressive social theory. Theorists in this tradition look not to the individual as a source of
poverty, but to the economic, political, and social system which causes people to have limited
opportunities and resources with which to achieve income and well being. Research and theories
in this tradition attempt to redress the problem noted by Rank, Yoon and Hirschl (2003: 4???):
“Poverty researchers have in effect focused on who loses out at the economic game, rather than
addressing the fact that the game produces losers in the first place.”
The 19th century social intellectuals developed a full attack on the individual theory of
poverty by exploring how social and economic systems overrode and created individual poverty
situations. For example, Marx showed how the economic system of capitalism created the
“reserve army of the unemployed” as a conscientious strategy to keep wages low. Later
Durkheim showed that even the most personal of actions (suicide) was in fact mediated by social
systems. Discrimination was separated from skill in one after another area, defining opportunity
as socially mediated. Taken to an extreme, radical thinkers argued that the system was flawed
and should be radically transformed.
Much of the literature on poverty now suggests that the economic system is structured in
such as way that poor people fall behind regardless of how competent they may be. Partly the
problem is the fact that minimum wages do not allow single mothers or their families to be
economically self sufficient (Jencks 1996:72). The problem of the working poor is increasingly
seen as a wage problem linked to structural barriers preventing poor families from getting better
jobs, complicated by limited numbers of jobs near workers and lack of growth in sectors
supporting lower skilled jobs (Tobin 1994). Interestingly research is showing that the availability
of jobs to low income people is about the same as it has been, but wages workers can expect
from these jobs have fallen. Fringe benefits including health care and promotions have also
become scarce for low skilled workers. These and related economic changes documented by
Blank (1997) and Quigley (2003) show the way the system has created increasingly difficult
problems for those who want to work.
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Elimination of structural barriers to better jobs through education and training have been
the focus of extensive manpower training and other programs, generating substantial numbers of
successes but also perceived failures. However, in spite of perceived importance of education,
funding per student in less advantaged areas lags that which is spent on richer students, teachers
are less adequately trained, books are often out of date or in limited supply, amenities are few,
and the culture of learning is under siege. This systemic failure of the schools is thus thought to
be the reason poor people have low achievement, poor rates of graduation, and few who pursue
higher education (Chubb and Moe, 1996).
A parallel barrier exists with the political system in which the interests and participation
of the poor is either impossible or is deceptive. Recent research has confirmed the linkage
between wealth and power, and has shown how poor people are less involved in political
discussions, their interests are more vulnerable in the political process, and they are excluded at
many levels. Coupled with racial discrimination, poor people lack influence in the political
system that they might use to mobilize economic benefits and justice.
A final broad category of system flaws associated with poverty relate to groups of people
being given a social stigma because of race, gender disability, religion, or other groupings,
leading them to have limited opportunities regardless of personal capabilities. No treatment of
poverty can be complete without acknowledging that groups against which discrimination is
practiced have limited opportunities regardless of legal protections. The process of gaining
stronger rights for minorities in poverty is an ongoing one, for which legal initiatives and public
policy reform must work with efforts to change public attitudes.
Anti-Poverty Programs from a Structure of Poverty Perspective.
If the problem of poverty is in the system rather than in the poor themselves, a
community development response must be to change the system. This is easy to say but hard to
do, which may explain why so many policy programs revert to trying to change individual
behavior. How can one get more jobs, improve schooling for the poor, equalize income
distributions, remove discrimination bias from housing, banking, education, and employment,
and assure equal political participation by poor persons? None of these tasks are easy and all
require interventions into the systems that create the barriers that block poor persons from
gaining the benefits of society.
Changing the system can take place at three levels. From a grassroots level, social
movements can exert pressures on vulnerable parts of the system to force desired change.
Although most studies show a decline in support for poor peoples social action, Rank (2004:
189-191) argues that change could be mobilized to support better jobs for the poor and a more
effective system since as the subtitle of his book states, “American poverty affects us all”. For
example, public pressure including unionization can increase wages and gain employment for
persons systematically excluded. Civil rights movements have had a strong impact on breaking
down formal barriers, as has the woman’s movement. Community organizing in the Alinsky
(1945) tradition has helped reduce poverty across the country (Rank, 2004:233).
A second strategy within community development for changing the system involves
creating and developing alternative institutions which have access, openness, innovation, and a
willingness to help the poor gain well being. This strategy is at the cornerstone of most
community development corporations which aim to provide alternative businesses, housing,
schooling, and programs. In addition, business strategies such as employee ownership or
11
networks of minority or women’s businesses also work. Community owned businesses such as
community banks also provide alternative structures.
Finally, change can occur through the policy process (Page and Simmons, 2000). The
range of federal and social policies that can be adjusted to accomplish poverty reduction include
providing jobs, raising wages, expanding the safety net, assuring effective access to medical
care, and coordinating social insurance programs. In order to protect these programs in an era of
governmental retrenchment, it is increasingly clear that the poor and their advocates need to be
more politically mobilized. Legal changes to enforce civil rights of the poor and to protect
minority groups are needed. For example, the American Disability Act has established many
gains for otherwise able persons who happen to be blind, deaf, or with limited mobility. One of
the boldest policy moves is suggested by Quigley (2003) and others who advocate a
constitutional amendment to guarantee a job to anyone who wants one and to guarantee that
anyone working full time would be able to earn a living wage.
4. Poverty Caused by Geographical Disparities
Rural poverty, ghetto poverty, urban disinvestment, Southern poverty, third-world
poverty, and other framings of the problem represent a spatial characterization of poverty that
exists separate from other theories. While these geographically based theories of poverty build
on the other theories, this theory calls attention to the fact that people, institutions, and cultures
in certain areas lack the objective resources needed to generate well being and income, and that
they lack the power to claim redistribution. As Shaw (1996:29) points out, “Space is not a
backdrop for capitalism, but rather is restructured by it and contributes to the system’s survival.
The geography of poverty is a spatial expression of the capitalist system.”
That poverty is most intense in certain areas is an old observation, and explanations
abound in the development literature about why regions lack the economic base to compete.
Recent explanations include disinvestment, proximity to natural resources, density, diffusion of
innovation, and other factors (see Morrill and Wohlenberg, 1971:57-64). In a thorough review
of the literature on rural poverty, Weber and Jensen (2004) note that most literature finds a “rural
differential” in poverty, but that the spatial effect is not as clearly isolated from individual effects
as needed for confidence. Goldsmith and Blakely offer a comprehensive perspective on the link
between development and poverty in urban contexts. In their book, Separate Societies they
argue that the joint processes of movement of households and jobs away from poor areas in
central cities and rural regions creates a “separation of work, residence, and economic, social and
political life” (1992: 125). These processes which we already discussed are multiplied by
racism and political indifference of the localities in which they flourish.
One theoretical perspective on spatial concentrations of poverty comes from economic
agglomeration theory. Usually used to explain the emergence of strong industrial clusters
(Bradshaw, King, and Wahlstrom, 1998) agglomeration shows how propinquity of similar firms
attracts supportive services and markets, which further attracts more firms. In reverse, the
propinquity of poverty and the conditions leading to poverty or the consequences of poverty
(crime and inadequate social services) generate more poverty, while competitive areas attract
business clusters, drawing away from impoverished communities. Low housing prices in such
locations may attract more poor persons, for example, leading to housing disinvestment by
building owners. In a world in which the criteria for investment is “location, location, location,”
it is not unreasonable to track investment going to neighborhoods, communities and regions in
which there is already substantial investment, while leaving less attractive areas.
12
A second theoretical insight is from central place theory and related “human ecology”
examinations of urban growth that trace the flows of knowledge and capital (Rural Sociological
Society, 1990:71-74). As Niles Hansen (1970) points out, rural areas are often the last stop of
technologies, and low wages and competitive pricing dominate production. The lack of
infrastructure that allows development of human resources limits economic activity that might
use these resources. Places left behind (Lyson and Falk, 1992) experience the largest
competition in restructuring of the economy because the jobs in these categories are most likely
to move to less developed countries. An increasing body of literature holds that advantaged
areas stand to grow more than disadvantaged areas even in periods of general economic growth
and that there will be some “trickle-down” but not an equalizing as classical economists would
have us believe (Rural Sociological Society, 1990: 114-119).
A third perspective involves selective out-migration. One part of Wilson’s book, The
Truly Disadvantaged (1987), holds that the people from ghetto areas with the highest levels of
education, the greatest skills, widest world view, and most extensive opportunities were the ones
who migrated out of central city locations to other places. In addition, he argued, these departing
people also were the community’s best role models and were often civic leaders. Rural poverty
is similarly attributable to selective out migration. Population density (both low rural density
and the negative impact of high density) is another part of a growing body of theory on spatial
variables in social science using the tools of GIS to track spatial dynamics of opportunity and
poverty (Bradshaw and Muller, 2003).
Anti-Poverty Programs from a Geography of Poverty Perspective.
A geographical theory of poverty implies that responses need to be directed to solving the
key dynamics that lead to decline in depressed areas while other areas are growing. Instead of
focusing on individuals, businesses, governments, welfare systems, or cultural processes, the
geographical theory directs community developers to look at places and the processes by which
they can become self-sustaining. Interestingly, a few disadvantaged communities around the
world are finding their way out of poverty and as such show that it can be done. However, as
Morrill and Wohlenberg (1971:119-120) point out, it is hard.
Some who view regional poverty analyses made proposals in the 1970s to encourage out
migration under the premises that it would reduce poverty to have people in a place where there
was a growing economy. Instead, the rural poor people moving to the city became urban poor,
with much the same hopeless situation. It has been said that much of urban poverty is actually
displaced rural poverty.
No matter how badly buffeted by geographical forces, community development programs
attempt to help communities identify their assets and address their condition. Many government
and foundation programs have assisted in this effort and progress can be demonstrated. Several
approaches have been taken to build stronger geographical areas; the following are more
examples than an exhaustive list.
• Improve local industry competitiveness through cluster development (Blakely and
Bradshaw 2001) or building creative communities (Florida, 2002).
• Enterprise zones, redevelopment and other tax based incentive programs for economic
development and channeling private investments.
• Inclusionary zoning, affordable housing and similar programs that place conditions on
development.
13
• Downtown revitalization and civic improvements that increase amenities and make areas
more attractive, hoping to stimulate employment and tax revenues.
• Infrastructure investment, including interstate highways, parks, water, waste disposal,
schools and other public facilities.
• Community organizing
• National and regional reinvestment that shifts funds from one area to another, as the
commitment to helping the Southern US grow after WW II.
The community development approach through community visioning, planning, and especially
community investment is central to efforts to turn around distressed areas and places where
poverty is rampant. Because community developers understand community, their efforts often
leverage community assets, integrate economic development in an area with housing and other
spatially allocated factors, and hope that the changes will increase opportunities for residents.
5. Poverty Caused by Cumulative and Cyclical Interdependencies
The previous four theories have demonstrated the complexity of the sources of poverty
and the variety of strategies to address it. The final theory of poverty I will discuss is by far the
most complex and to some degree builds on components of each of the other theories in that it
looks at the individual and their community as caught in a spiral of opportunity and problems,
and that once problems dominate they close other opportunities and create a cumulative set of
problems that make any effective response nearly impossible (Bradshaw, 2000). The cyclical
explanation explicitly looks at individual situations and community resources as mutually
dependent, with a faltering economy, for example, creating individuals who lack resources to
participate in the economy, which makes economic survival even harder for the community since
people pay fewer taxes.
This theory has its origins in economics in the work of Myrdal (1957:23) who developed
a theory of “interlocking, circular, interdependence within a process of cumulative causation”
that helps explain economic underdevelopment and development. Myrdal notes that personal
and community well being are closely linked in a cascade of negative consequences, and that
closure of a factory or other crisis can lead to a cascade of personal and community problems
including migration of people from a community. Thus the interdependence of factors creating
poverty actually accelerates once a cycle of decline is started.
One place where the cycle of poverty is clearly defined is in a book on rural education
by Jonathan Sher (1977) in which a focus is on the cycle by which education and employment at
the community and individual level interact to create a spiral of disinvestment and decline, while
in advancing communities the same factors contribute to growth and well being. For example, at
the community level, a lack of employment opportunities leads to outmigration, closing retail
stores, and declining local tax revenues, which leads to deterioration of the schools, which leads
to poorly trained workers, leading firms not to be able to utilize cutting edge technology and to
the inability to recruit new firms to the area, which leads back to a greater lack of employment.
This cycle also repeats itself at the individual level. The lack of employment leads to
lack of consumption and spending due to inadequate incomes, and to inadequate savings, which
means that individuals can not invest in training, and individuals also lack the ability to invest in
businesses or to start their own businesses, which leads to lack of expansion, erosion of markets,
and disinvestment, all of which contribute back to more inadequate community opportunities.
Health problems and the inability to afford preventive medicine, a good diet, and a healthy living
environments become reasons the poor fall further behind. The cycle of poverty also means that
14
people who lack ample income fail to invest in their children’s education, the children do not
learn as well in poor quality schools and they fall further behind when they go to get jobs. They
also are vulnerable to illness and poor medical care.
A third level of the cycle of poverty is the perspective that individual lack of jobs and
income leads to deteriorating self-confidence, weak motivation, and depression. The
psychological problems of individuals are reinforced by association with other individuals,
leading to a culture of despair, perhaps a culture of poverty under some circumstances. In rural
communities this culture of despair affects leaders as well, generating a sense of hopelessness
and fatalism among community leaders.
This brief description of the cycle of poverty incorporates many of the previous theories.
It shows how people become disadvantaged in their social context which then affects
psychological abilities at the individual level. The various structural and political factors in the
cyclical theory reinforce each other, with economic factors linked to community and to political
and social variables. Perhaps its greatest value is that it more explicitly links economic factors at
the individual level with structural factors that operate at a geographical level. As a theory of
poverty, the cyclical theory shows how multiple problems cumulate, and it allows speculation
that if one of the linkages in the spiral was broken, the cycle would not continue. The problem is
that the linkages are hard to break because each is reinforced by other parts of the spiraling
system.
Anti-Poverty programs from a Cycle of Poverty Perspective.
The complexity of the cycle of poverty means that solutions need to be equally complex.
Poverty is not just one cause but many, while our antipoverty efforts seem to focus on only part
of the solution. Community developers are specialists in appreciating the interdependence of
different parts of the community and their solution is to try to address issues like poverty from a
multifaceted approach. Steps taken to break the cycle of poverty are necessarily complex, but
they are a better solution to poverty than most single factor efforts, and it is embedded in some of
the most successful anti-poverty programs from the community development corporations, local
neighborhood revitalization projects, and other efforts linking grass roots problem solving with
diversified organizational management. The limitations to the first four theories of poverty lead
us to want to look closely at the cyclical theory. On the whole the cycle of poverty is rarely
mentioned by poverty scholars but its success by programs such as the Family Independence
Initiative (FII) in Oakland give hope. I highlight this program just as an example of the cycle
breaking efforts of many innovative community based development organizations.
Helping poor people achieve “self-sufficiency” is an increasingly significant phase in
poverty reduction. While called various names, the emphasis is on providing both “deep and
wide” supports and services for people. A full step from poverty requires six interdependent
elements of self-sufficiency that can be identified and tracked (Miller et al, 2004).
1. Income and economic assets
2. Education and skills
3. Housing and surroundings (safe, attractive)
4. Access to healthcare and other needed social services
5. Close personal ties, as well as networks to others
6. Personal resourcefulness and leadership abilities.
A key piece of this comprehensive approach to helping individuals from poverty is that there is
no way the public can do all of this for every person without first increasing social capital among
15
communities or subcultures of the poor. Miller has a strong belief that strong interpersonal ties
as in villages or organized groups can provide shared assistance that professionals can not. The
key is helping groups of poor people build supportive communities with shared trust and
mutuality. This program consciously seeks the benefits of building social capital (following
Putnam 2000) based on ‘affinity groups’ where people share common interests from their
ethnicity, religion, family history, living area, or other sources of friendship. Building the
personal ties and leadership linking individual families to their community is perhaps the most
challenging part of the FII model. Thus, in this model the key is to see the interrelation between
financial and material resources and ties to the community.
In facing the overwhelming task of helping both poor people and their poverty
neighborhoods, there is no easy answer to breaking the cycle of poverty. Asset mapping
(Kretzman and McKnight, 1993) is a way to identify whatever strengths the community has and
to use them to solve problems in the most effective way rather than to spend time identifying
problems for which there may not be adequate answers. Moreover, existing organizations with
roots in the community are generally more effective in bridging the range of problems in a
community facing poverty cycles than new single purpose organizations.
Community development programs structure their efforts around three focal points for
breaking the cycle of poverty. These program structures, like the cyclical theory itself, combines
strategies and tools from response to the other theories of poverty.
1. Comprehensive. The first strategy to breaking the cycle of poverty is to develop
comprehensive programs. Comprehensive programs are ones that include a variety of services
and that try to bridge the individual and community needs.
2. Collaboration. The key to doing extensive programs without becoming too
uncontrolled is to collaborate among different organizations to provide complementary services
that by their combination of efforts the output is greater than could be done by either alone.
Collaboration involves networks among participants, though the coordination can vary from
formal to informal.
3. Community Organizing. Finally, community organizing is a tool by which local
people can participate to understand how their personal lives and the community well being are
intertwined. Breaking the cycle of poverty must include individuals to participate as a
community in the reversal, just like individuals create the spiral downward when they and their
community interact in a cycle of failure. For the poor, empowerment is central to this issue.
It is interesting that this is the approach to poverty that is the least commonly described in
the poverty literature, but community based examples are what is brought out whenever
successes are discussed. There are no comprehensive community based self-sufficiency
programs from the federal government or most states. The bulk of efforts remain experimental
and rooted in programs from foundations. In our review of what works to build community and
improve the lives of poor people we recall examples like Dudley Street (Medoth and Sklar,
1994), not a welfare office. The key to these successes is as Fung (2004)suggestes, empowered
participation.
Implications
This essay started with the premise that the theory or explanation of poverty one holds
shapes the type of anti-poverty efforts that are pursued by community developers. The fact that
poverty theory addresses individuals, their culture, the social system in which they are
embedded, the place in which they live, and the interconnection among the different factors
16
suggests that different theories of poverty look at community needs from quite different
perspectives. The diversity and complexity of causes of poverty allow for these multiple points
of view. While none are “wrong,” it is consequential from a community development
perspective which theories are applied to particular anti-poverty efforts. How one frames the
question of community development determines who gets what types of service and who gets left
out.
However, this essay also argues that the first four theories do not fully explore the
relation between individuals and their community in the process of placing people in poverty,
keeping them there, and potentially getting them out. The growing realization is that individuals
are shaped by their community, and communities are as a consequence shaped by their
individual members. The strength of the growing interest in social capital by social scientists
following Putnam (2000) points to this interdependence where individuals through association
memberships create communities characterized by more trust and reciprocity, and in these
communities with more social capital thousands of small activities are possible that contribute to
reversing the spiral of decent into poverty. It is no wonder that communities with strong social
capital (or similarly entrepreneurial communities described by Flora and Flora) have been shown
to be more resilient to adversity and thus protect their residents from the spiral into poverty that
less civic communities experience when facing similar challenges.
Similarly, community economic and political systems and institutions reflect community
values and respond to the social capital that underlies these values. While reforming social
institutions is a policy response to poverty essential in poverty communities, Duncan (1999)
concludes her book on rural poverty with the observation that communities which value equality
and have narrow gaps of opportunity also have institutions that reflect these values and to a
greater degree try to not leave anyone behind too far. She thinks that education is the most
important local institution where this dynamic can be reversed in poor communities. Goldsmith
and Blakely in their book Separate Societies (1992) make the same type of argument. Policies
that build community institutions help to close the gap between poverty and rich communities,
rather than many existing policies that widen it.
Increasing the effectiveness of anti-poverty programs requires that those designing and
implementing those programs need to not only develop adequate theories of poverty to guide
programs, but they must make sure that the community development approaches are as
comprehensive as possible.
17
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Five Theories of Poverty and Community anti-poverty programs
Theory What causes Poverty? How does it work? Potential Community
Development responses
Community examples to
reduce poverty
1. Individual Individual laziness, bad
choice, incompetence,
inherent disabilities
Competition rewards
winners and punishes those
who do not work hard and
make bad choices
Avoid and counter efforts to
individualize poverty, provide
assistance and safety net
Drug rehabilitation, second
chance programs, making
safety net easier to access, use
training and counseling to help
poor individuals overcome
problems
2. Cultural Subculture adopts values that
are non-productive and are
contrary to norms of success
Peer groups set wrong
values and reinforce wrong
behaviors,
Use community to the
advantage of the poor; value
diverse cultures, acculturation,
and community building;
alternative socialization
through forming new peer
groups,
Head start, afterschool,
leadership development within
sub-cultures, asset based
community development
3. Politicaleconomic
Structure
Systematic barriers prevent
poor from access and
accomplishment in key social
institutions including jobs,
education housing, health
care, safety, political
representation, etc
Selection criteria directly or
indirectly exclude some
groups of persons based on
inappropriate criteria
Community organizing and
advocacy to gain political and
economic power to achieve
change; create alternative
organizations,
Policies to force inclusion and
enforcement,
4. Geographic Social advantages and
disadvantages concentrate in
separate areas,
Agglomeration, distance,
economies of scale, and
resource distributions
reinforce differences
National redistributions,
concentration of development
on local assets,
Redevelopment areas,
downtowns, rural networking,
urban revitalization
5. Cumulative
and cyclical
Spirals of poverty, problems
for individuals (earnings,
housing, health, education,
self confidence) are
interdependent and strongly
linked to community
deficiencies (loss of business
and jobs, inadequate schools,
inability to provide social
services) etc.
Factors interact in complex
ways. Community level
crises lead to Individual
crises and vice versa, and
each cumulate to cause
spirals of poverty
Breaking the spiral of poverty
with a spiral of success
through a comprehensive
program that addresses both
individual and community
issues.
Comprehensive CDC
programs that build selfsufficiency
in a community
reinforced environment,
programs that link individuals
and community organizations,
asset based approaches